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Women's Empowerment in Andhra Pradesh

The women’s movement in Andhra Pradesh originated from the anti arrack (anti liquor) movement started by the state’s rural women in the 1990s. The state government built on its momentum to start a women’s literacy movement. In 2000, with World Bank support, it expanded this program as a thrift based program where women could make small savings, revolve their own resources, and meet their families’ critical consumption and food needs. The program, earlier called Velugu and now called the Indira Kranti Patham, has since evolved into a movement for the all-round empowerment of poor women - social, legal, political, and economic.

The World Bank’s Andhra Pradesh Rural Poverty Reduction Project supports the program. It promotes women's social, economic, legal and political empowerment to reduce poverty among the poor and the poorest of the poor.

The World Bank project has helped take the women's Self Help Group movement to all 22 districts of Andhra Pradesh. It has also become the model for livelihood programs in other states too, including Tamil Nadu and Bihar.

Social, Legal, Political and Economic Empowerment
The women Self Help Groups (SHGs) hold regular weekly meetings, save and repay regularly, and use trained bookkeepers for proper bookkeeping. All SHG members abide by the principles of saying no to child marriages, child labor, domestic violence and wasteful expenditures.
The weekly meetings provide a platform for sharing and discussing broad social, legal, political and economic issues that affect their lives. Issues range from entitlements to land, access to NREGA and PDS, whether teachers and health workers are actually doing the work allotted to them, and women's own rights in the case of domestic violence.
The women discuss family planning, the number of children they should have, and the spacing between births, indicating a significant change in their ability to exercise reproductive choice within the household.
They have also not hesitated to take up difficult issues like domestic violence, the trafficking of women and children, and the jogini system of exploitation.

have outperformed other public schools in terms of regular attendance, academic results and facilities provided to students, leading to a fall in the drop out rate from 14.8% in 2001 to 4.3% in 2005-2006.

Fighting Gender Violence
7, April, 2007: Mogalamma is barely in her 20s but her harrowing life is etched on her furrowed face and sunken eyes. Married to an alcoholic, mother to a mentally-challenged son, her troubles deepened when she was widowed early. Three years ago, she was raped by the local money-lender and left to die in the fields of her Chauderpalli village in Mahboobnagar district of Andhra Pradesh.     Mogalamma with her young son Mogalamma, who is from the Dalit community that occupies the lowest rung of India's social hierarchy, she fought for justice for two years but couldn't crack the protective cordon the upper castes in her village threw up to protect the money-lender. "Nobody helped me those two years," says Mogalamma. "The police was not willing to register my case; even the sarpanchdid not help me. It was only the women's group that stood by me. And it is thanks to them that I could even take it up. Then, my own father forced me to seek a compromise and asked me to withdraw the case after the moneylender had been in jail for a few months. But the SHG group supported me and spoke to the higher-ups. Women like me have developed a lot of self-confidence because of this support. My future is now with the group," says Mogalamma says. Today, thanks to the local women's self-help groups (SHG), Mogalamma has not only recovered her dignity, but is able to take care of her and her family's needs. She lives with her parents and child in a spartan house that the SHG helped her get under a government scheme. The SHG gave her a loan to buy a buffalo, whose milk she sells locally. It also helped her get a job cooking mid-day meals at the local primary school. It is also helping her with her child's rehabilitation and treatment. "While he may never be cured completely, at least the school is now allowing him to attend classes,"

Health Insurance for the Poor
Over 21,000 households have been covered with health insurance on a pilot basis. The community managed risk fund aims to provide quick financial support to meet families’ health expenditure, including during emergencies. 1.2 million women SHG members have purchased life insurance cover.







Disabled Persons

Over 160,000 disabled persons have been mobilized into some 17,500 SHGs and have received support to start new livelihoods.
Land Access for Tribals and the Poor
The project has facilitated the resolution of several land issues affecting the poor including the restoration of illegally occupied land. Para legals have been trained, and efforts are on to establish a land rights center for tribal areas in association with the Law College at Hyderabad, and organize lok adalats (public courts).
Improved Farming Practices

In a forward-looking move, women’s groups have also developed a local movement against the indiscriminate use of pesticides, covering 186,000 acres by 2006-07. By replacing chemical and other external inputs with local knowledge and natural methods of pest management, they are reducing the cost of cultivation. Cost savings have ranged from about US$40 to US$120 per acre leading to a 75% increase in the income of a farmer. This has also had positive effects on farmers’ health status.

Economic Empowerment
Social empowerment issues have become the basis for the subsequent economic empowerment of women. The program enables women’s organizations to develop the skills to negotiate with market
Political Empowerment

Grassroots leaders developed through the program have contested local government elections; 32000 candidates have filed their nominations for a variety of positions, and 9500 women from SHGs and their federations have been elected at various levels.

ROLE OF WOMEN IN FREEDOM STRUGGLE IN ANDHRA PRADESH

Women played a significant role in India's Freedom Movement. Paying a tribute to the outstanding role played by women in the country's freedom struggle, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of free India said, "we record our homage and deep admiration for the womanhood of India, who in the hour of peril for the motherland forsook the shelter of their homes and with unfailing courage and endurance stood shoulder-to-shoulder with them the sacrifices and triumphs of the struggle."
Andhra Pradesh, like any other part of the country, played a significant role in the freedom struggle. Men, women and children did their best to fight for the common cause. Great leaders like Gadicherla Harisarvotham Rao, Pattabhi Sitaramayya, Tangututri Prakasam Pantulu, Duvvuru Subbamma, Durgabhai Deshmukh, Sangam Lakshmi Bai and others are well known. Stalwarts like Yellapragada Sitkumari, Ammanna Raja and Arutla Kamala Devi have entered into the pages of history. But there are many more who did everything to give us what we have today.
In the freedom Struggle as carried out in Andhra, women participated in large numbers in the Non-cooperation Movement, Civil Disobedience Movement, and Quit India Movement. In the constructive programme, especially in the manufacture of Khadar, Women in Andhra did more work than men. They became victims of repression as much as men and several cases their lot and suffering were worse. But they braved all this with that kind of patience and heroism for which the women did even more work than men.
Even though history has brought to light the lives of a number of such persons, still underneath the water lie a number of great women, whose lives are a testimony to the great achievement of the nation.
Role of women in freedom struggle in Andhra Pradesh seeks to analyze the part played by women of Andhra in the Country's liberation movement and takes in its sweep the mist important issues raised by it - issues centering political activism and its implications for the participation of women.

Andhra sees more than threefold rise in child labour in three years

Andhra sees more than threefold rise in child labour in three years TNN | Oct 25, 2018, 11.59 PM IST Printed from Vijayawada: As per the latest official statistics, the number of child labourers in Andhra Pradesh is once again on the rise. The child labour force has increased by three and a half times since 2015-16, despite the efforts put in by the state government. According to the latest official data, 60,038 children between the age of six and 14 years were identified as working in the state between 2015 and 2017. The child labour force which was 13,294 in 2015-16 has seen a whopping increase to 46,744 in a short span of one year. The sudden increase has come as a shocker to child rights activists, as Andhra Pradesh had seen a remarkable decline prior to 2016. But on the contrary, the last one year has shown an upward trend. During 2011, 13 districts in the AP together had 2.73 lakh child labour out of which, 43,000 were within the age group of five to nine years. Out of all the districts that have registered an increase in the child labour force, West Godavari has recorded the largest - a whopping 12 times increase. As per the records, the number was 477 in 2015-16, but by 2016-17, the number has shot up to 5,738. Similarly in Visakhapatnam district, where the number of children engaged in child labour was 428 in 2015-16, has now risen to 4,818, which is an increase by ten times. In 2015-16, the major contributors of child labourers were Chittoor, Prakasam and Nellore districts. But by 2016-17, it was Kurnool which housed the maximum number of child workers with 6,585 of them, which in 2015-16, was 1,294. The districts of Prakasam, West Godavari and Nellore are the next in line for the maximum number of child labourers. The top four districts i.e 7/7/2019 Andhra sees more than threefold rise in child labour in three years - Times of India https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/vijayawada/andhra-sees-more-than-threefold-rise-in-child-labour-in-three-years/articleshowprint/66354422.cms 2/2 Kurnool, Prakasam, West Godavari and Nellore contribute to more than half of the child labourers in Andhra Pradesh, according to the data. Kadapa and Vizianagaram, which are regarded as the most backward districts in the Andhra, have the least number of child labourers. While Kadapa had 1,297 child worker in 2016-17, Vizianagaram had 1,453 of them.

 

PLANNING IN TWO DISRICTS OF ANDHRA PRADESH

Women who form half of the population of India (around 49%) are discriminated in every sphere of life. In spite of five and half decades of Independence and the introduction of many women welfare programmes with the provision of specific reservations, women in India are still socially, economically, politically and culturally continue to be in a disadvantageous position. One of the research findings indicates that theoretically and legally, though women are recognized as equal to men, they are still in the grip of traditional roles and have not freed themselves from the domination of men¹. As women continue to be economically dependent on men, they are treated inferior to men. In the Indian society, daughter is considered as a liability while the son is considered as an asset. Experts suggest that improvement in the status of women expedites the success of family planning. Therefore, any improvement in the status of women is considered an effective strategy for making family planning a real success in India as well as in other developing countries. It was well recognized by the UN General Assembly in 1972 that unless the status of women is improved, no initiatives in family planning would be successful. Therefore, the development of women is considered 'as the best contraception'. The position of women is also positively associated with the adoption of family planning among the couples in India, This means that when the position of women in the society is higher, the knowledge, attitude and adoption of family planning are proportionately higher. In the present study, women's position with respect to family planning behavior in two districts of Andhra Pradesh is studied and the impacts of other variables such as occupation, income, possession of property, index on women's social status, etc. that influence its adoption are analysed. sampling. The subjects consisted of 600 currently married women in the age group of 15-49 years having at least one living child. The sample was drawn from thirty randomly selected villages in Talupula Mandal of Ananthapur distinct

EDUCATION OF WIFE

Educational level of women appears to be one of the significant factors effecting the adoption of family planning and fertility behavior. Data from the developed countries indicate that the education of women increases the opportunities for them to work outside their homes. Also, education is found to have a positive association with adoption of family planning. The relationship is less consistent in the developing countries. Generally, a positive relationship appears to have existed between family planning adoption and the educational level both in the United States and Europe since the late 19th century. Earlier research in most developing countries also support the fact that there is a strong positive association between the levels of women's education and the adoption of family planning. In this study, it was found that 34.7 per cent of the women were illiterates, while 34.8 per cent were literates with primary education up to 5^th class. About 18.0 per cent of them studied up to secondary and intermediate level. Only 12.5 per cent had education up to the degree or above. Among the women who had college education; it was found that an overwhelming proportion of them (68.0%) practiced permanent methods of family planning. Similarly, women with education up to higher secondary level (45.38%) had adopted family planning as compared to women who studied up to primary level (30.62%). In case of illiterate women, only 20.19 per cent adopted family planning and majority of them (72.6%) was not using any method of contraception, it is also similar in case of women with primary education, as most of them (65.07%)

Occupation of Wife

Occupation of wife is one of the important socio-economic status indicators that influences the contraceptive behavior of women. Some of the studies have established that working-women are more inclined to adopt one or the other methods of family planning as compared to housewives. The findings of the study reveal that among women; white-collar jobholders constituted only 10 per cent as compared to housewives (49 %) and agricultural labourers (33%).

Among the white-collar jobholders, 68 per cent of women used permanent methods of family planning as compared to only 40 per cent of the housewives. Out of the cultivators, 27.7 per cent of women adopted permanent methods in comparison to only 17 per cent of the agricultural labourers (Table 2). Hence, the study findings indicate that occupation of women is strongly associated with their family planning behaviour.

 

Son Preference

During the last two decades, there has been an increasing interest in the study of values of children, including son-preference as one of the major determinants of family planning adoption and fertility behaviour. Some other studies as well endorse this finding. Preference for son exists more in the developing countries as compared to the developed regions of the world due to various socio-cultural and psychological reasons. Therefore, it is hypothesized that eligible couples usually adopt one or the other family planning method, only after getting their desired number of sons. Studies conducted in India and abroad have confirmed that son preference has a significant influence on the acceptance of contraceptive practices. In the traditional agrarian societies, particularly in patriarchal societies, sons are preferred for many reasons such as; sons contribute to the family's economic resources by working in the farm; family name is carried on through the sons (lineage transmission), sons are expected to perform funeral rituals, sons support the parents during sick and old age, sons provide physical strength to the family and social status in the community. In addition to this, the value dimensions for son(s) are deeply associated with superstitious, cultural and traditional beliefs and values. The economic and family continuity (lineage) factors seem to dominate son preference because people live in patri-lineal .societies prefer sons. It has often been argued that strong son preference is one of the major barriers in the adoption of family planning, particularly in the rural areas". Data presented in Table 5 show that the adoption of family planning is closely associated with strong son preference. In the present study, 67 per cent of the respondents had son preference while 33 per cent had no such preference.

Son	Non-	Temporary	Permanent	Total	Population
preference	adopters	Adopters	Adopters		(%)
Son	73.88	6.97	19.15	100.00	67.00
preference	(297)	(28)	(17)	(402)	(402)
No	22.73	12.12	65.15	100.00	33.00
preference	(45)	(24)	(129)	(198)	(198)
Total	57.00	8.67	34.33	100.00	100.00
	(342)	(52)	(206)	(600)	(600%)

It is seen that 65 per cent of the women who had no son preference practised permanent methods of family planning compared to only 19 per cent who practice the same with a son preference. Data clearly depict that adoption of family planning was significantly higher among women who have no son preference (significant at 1 % level) as compared to others who have son preferencer In case of adoption of temporary methods too, 12 per cent of women with no son preference adopted family planning compared to only 7 per cent of women who had strong son preference.                             

                                                 TABLE 5

 DISTRIBUTION OF WOMEN BY

CONTRACEPTIVE  BEHAVIOUR AND  SON PREFERENCE

Index on Women's Social Status

Women's social status and their position in the society were also measured in terms of socio-economic status of women, health and demographic position of women, social equality, modernisation and socio-economic independence. In the present study an index was developed with 20 variables related to the status of women and women's development and classified in the following five broad dimensions:

1.     Socio-economic status of women has been assessed through the variables such as(i) education, (ii) occupation, (iii) income, and (iv) owning of property.

2.     The demographic status was assessed through variables such as- (i) age at marriage, (ii) son preference, (iii) knowledge about infant diseases, and (iy) identification of malnutrition in children.

3.     Social equality was assessed through information collected like (i) travel, alone, (ii) subordination, and. position of women, (iii) married women working along with men, and (iv) consulting female members in all the important decision-making processes in the family.

4.     Modernisation was determined through information obtained like (i) having a personal bank account, (ii) permission from husband on various matters, (iii) freedom of wife, and (iv) the level of freedom enjoyed.

SOCIAL  INDEPENDENCE

Based on the aforesaid 20 variables, an index was developed to determine the status         of      women;      and   their attitudes    related       to      women's          development       and modernization of women.

The status of women was assessed with the help of a chart published by the Population Crisis Committee, Washington Status of women was measured by taking all the five indicators, score values including their attitudes towards woman-development. Each respondent's score was compiled by adding 20 variables of women's status related to the categories such; as socio-economic position, health and demographic position of women, social equalities, modernisation and social independence. In each category, four classified measures were studied to measure women's general welt being.

After assigning scores for each of these items, scores, were, compiled and pooled together for the population as a whole. The total scores were graded and classified into low or poor, moderate and high status of women. The minimum score of index was fixed at 20, and the maximum at 59. Based on the overall pooled scores, the respondents were, classified into 3 categories namely (i) low status (score 20-32), (ii) moderate status (score 33-34), and (iii) high status (score 46-59). This tracheotomized classified index on the status of women was cross tabulated with their contraceptive behaviour.

A positive association was observed while examining the link between the status of women and the adoption of family planning. It was observed that the adoption of family planning, by women increased with the rise in the status of women. Table 6 indicates that in the current study, majority of women (73%) had a low status, followed by 6 per cent in the medium and 21 percent in the higher status.

It was found that 65 per cent of women in the higher status (Score value-46 to 59) category practised permanent methods of family planning as compared to 39 per cent for those in the moderate status (score value- 33 to 45) category. Only 25 per cent of women in the poor status category adopted the permanent methods of family planning (Score value- 20 to 32).

TABLE 6

DISTRIBUTION OF WOMEN BY

CONTRACEPTIVE BEHAVIOUR AND INDEX ON SOCIAL STATUS

Social status of	Non-	Temporary	Permanent	Total	Population
women Index	adopters	Adopters	Adopters		(%)
Poor status	66.59	8.24	25.17	100.00	73.00
(score 20-32)	(52.63)	(36)	(110)	(437)	(437)
Moderate status (score 33-45)	52.63 (120)	7.89 (3)	39.47 (15)	100.00 (38)	6.00 (38)
Higher status (score 46-59)	24.80 (31)	10.40 (13)	64.80 (81)	100.00 (125)	21.00 (125)
(600%)	(600%)	(600%)	(600%)	(600%)	(600%)

 (Figures in parentheses denote the number of women)

CONCLUSION

The findings of the present study suggest that the position of women in the society had greatly influenced the adoption of family planning by them. The educational level of women emerged as one of the most important factors with a positive impact on the family planning practice. Majority of highly educated women adopted family planning. Occupation of women was one of the important socioeconomic status indicators that influenced contraceptive behaviour. Annual family income was a composite variable which invariably impacted on the family planning practice by the subjects. In this study a positive relationship was seen between the annual income of the family and the practice of family planning by women. Women, who belonged to the higher income group of families had a higher proportion of family planning adoption (63%) compared to women in the low-income group of families. It was also observed that adoption of family planning was significantly higher among women who possessed property. The present study revealed that women who have a strong son preference demonstrated a lower rate of adoption of family planning practices (19%)compared to those who do not (65%).

The above findings indicate the need for policy oriented researches on the current roles and conditions of women and their impact on family planning adoption. Education is an essential requirement for improving the status of women, which in turn, encourages the adoption of family planning. Importantly steps should be taken to universale female education through formal and non-formal education programmes. The mind-set of people for a greater value for son(s) affects the adoption of family planning which needs to be changed by promoting awareness on equal values for son and daughters. To support this, property right for the daughter needs to be effectively implemented.

 

STATUS OF WOMEN IN INDIA AND ANDHRA PRADESH

INTRODUCTION

            At the dawn of new millennium Indian women are typically portrayed as house wives goddesses of homes and great Mothers, The Hindu, (1998). Yet it is generally known that in reality she submits herself to his unjust demands this hackneyed image is obviously a reflection of womanhood in Indian society.    The male domination, perpetuated either by economic necessity or social compulsions, alien invasions re-shaped the role of women in Indian society, Ibid, (1999) the problem is not, of course, unique to India but certainly deserves public attention as a matter of major priority, Dreze, Jean and Amartya Sen (1999a) 

 The focal areas, where gender disparities are deliberately sustained and meticulously fostered from time immemorial, are female-male ratio, literacy and education, food and nutrition, health care system, work participation rate and opportunity to employment, access to economic resources particularly income and property and the most important political participation.  An attempt is made in this chapter to ponder over these crucial issues highlighting the available factual information at international, national and regional levels.

CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGISLATIVE PROVISIONS RELATING TO WOMEN

 Before analyzing the status of women in India in a comparative perspective, it would be appropriate to briefly review the constitutional provisions and legislative measures relating to women in India.  The Constitution of India not only grants equality to women but also empowers the state to adopt measures of positive discrimination in favour of women for neutralizing the cumulative socio-economic, educational, political disadvantage faced by them.  To be more precise, Article 14 confers on men and women equal rights and opportunities in the political, economic and social spheres.  Article 15 prohibits discrimination against any citizen on the grounds of religion, race, caste and sex.  Article 15(3) makes a special provision enabling the 

state to make affirmative discrimination in favour of women.  Article 16 provides for equality of opportunities in matter of public appointments for all citizens irrespective of sex. Besides the above Fundamental Rights, the Constitution also enshrines the following Directive Principles of State Policy, which though non-enforceable by court of law, provide guidelines for framing government policies.  Article 39(a) mentions that the state shall direct its policy towards securing all citizens, men and women equally the right to means of livelihood, while Article 39(c) ensures equal pay for equal work for both men and women.  Article 42 directs the state to make provision for ensuring just and humane conditions of work and maternity relief for women.  Above all the Constitution imposes a fundamental duty on every citizen through Article 15(a) and (e) to renounce the practices decorator to the dignity of women.

 In addition to these constitutional provisions, special legislations have been enacted to make the de jury equality into de facto one.  The state has enacted the following specific and women related legislations to protect women against social discrimination, violence, atrocities and also to prevent social evils like child marriage, dowry, rape, practice of sati etc.

 The Child Marriage Restraint Act of 1976 rises the age for marriage of a girl from 15 years to 18 years and makes offences under this Act cognizable.  An amendment brought in 1984 to the Dowry Prohibitions Act of 1961 made subjection of women to cruelty a cognizable offence.  The second amendment brought in 1986 makes the husband or inlaws punishable if a woman commits suicide within 7 years of her marriage.  Also a new criminal offence of dowry death has been incorporated in the Indian Penal Code.  The Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act of 1971 legalizes abortion by qualified professionals on humanitarian or medical grounds.  Amendments to criminal law 1983 provide for a punishment of 7 years in ordinary cases of rape and 10 years for custodial rape cases.  The maximum punishment may go up to life imprisonment.  A new enactment of Indecent Representation of Women (Prohibition) Act of 1986 and the Commission of Sati (Prevention) Act 1987 have also been passed to protect the dignity of women and prevent violence against them as well as their exploitation.  The Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act of 1956 as amended and renamed in 1986 makes the sexual exploitation of male or female a cognizable offence.  Hindu Succession Act 1956 enables Hindu Women to inherit the property of their fathers along with their brothers Unni, Jeemol (1999).  The Factories Act 1948 (Amended up to 1976) provides for establishment of crèche where 30 women are employed (including casual and contract laborers).  The Maternity Benefit Act 1961 makes the extension of maternity benefits mandatory on the part of factories.  The Equal Remuneration of Act of 1976 provides for equal pay for equal work for both men and women.

FEMALE-MALE RATIOS (FMR)

 Female-male ratio (FMR) is one of the crucial manifestations of the wide spread disparities existing between females and males.  There are remarkable variations in the FMR in different regions of the world.  In Europe and North America, even though males outnumber females at birth, women tend to out number men substantially later with an average ratio around 1.05.Dreze, Jean and Amartya Sen (1999a). In contrast to this in many parts of third world countries, FMR tends to be substantially below unity.  The average FMR is 0.96 in North Africa, 0.94 in China, Bangladesh and West

Asia.  In India, the FMR averaged around 0.933 in 2001 (as against 0.927 in 1991), which is one of the lowest in the world. 

There are, however, striking regional variations in FMR between different states, as could be observed from Table –3.1

 The FMR is observed to be very low in most parts of Northern India, and in Union Territories.  For instance, among the Indian states, as per 2001 census, the FMR was the lowest at 0.861 in Haryana.  The other states with the ascending order of FMR values were Punjab (0.874), Sikkim (0.875), Uttar Pradesh (0.898) and Jammu & Kashmir (0.900).  It is pathetic note that even the developed states like Punjab and Haryana have one of the lowest FMRs.  On the other hand, most of the Southern states e.g., Tamil Nadu (0.986), Andhra Pradesh (0.978), Orissa (0.972), Karnataka (0.964) share high FMR.  

Table 1: FMR in Different Indian States and UTs According to 1991 and 2001 Census

Sl. No.	India/State/	1991	2001
1	Andhra Pradesh	0.972	0.978
2	Arunachal Pradesh	0.859	0.901
3	Assam	0.923	0.932
4	Bihar	0.911	0.921
5	Chhatisgarh	--	0.99
6	Goa	0.967	0.960
7	Gujarat	0.934	0.921
8	Haryana	0.865	0.861
9	Himachal Pradesh	0.976	0.970
10	Jammu & Kashmir	0.92	0.900
11	Jharkhand	--	0.941
12	Karnataka	0.960	0.964
13	Kerala	1.036	1.058
14	Madhya Pradesh	0.931	0.920
15	Maharashtra	0.934	0.922
16	Manipur	0.958	0.978
17	Meghalaya	0.955	0.975
18	Mizoram	0.921	0.938
19	Nagaland	0.886	0.909
20	Orissa	0.971	0.972
21	Punjab	0.882	0.874
22	Rajasthan	0.910	0.922
23	Sikkim	0.878	0.875
24	Tamil Nadu	0.974	0.986
25	Tripura	0.945	0.950
26	Uttar Pradesh	0.879	0.898
27	Uttaranchal	--	0.964
28	West Bengal	0.917	0.934
	Union Territories	0.840	--
29	Andaman & Nicobar Islands.	--	0.846
30	Chandigargh	--	0.773
31	Dadra & Nagar Haveli	--	0.811
32	Daman & Diu	--	0.709
33	Delhi	--	0.821
34	Lakshadweep	--	0.947
35	Pondicherry	--	1.001
INDIA		0.927	0.933

                                       Source: Govt. of India (2004), Census of India: Web site: Sex Ratio

 In fact Kerala's (1.04) and Pondicherry’s (1.001) FMR is greater than unity, a phenomenon akin to developed countries like Europe and America Ibid, (1999). Even after FMR is adjusted to overwhelming out-migration of males from Kerala in search of Employment, FMR is above unity Ibid (1999),   between 1991 and 2001; many states improved the FMR even though there is no substantial improvement at the All India level.  Arunachala Pradesh for instance, improved the FMR position substantially from 0.860 to 0.901. 

 In some states like Goa, Gujarat, Haryana, Himachala Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir, Madya Pradesh, Maharastra, Punjab, and Sikkim the FMR has actually declined between 1991 and 2001. Citing the Indian Express, the Census of India web cited quoted on 12^th July 2004 that the Sex ratio is alarmingly at a low level of 773 per 1000 males in the union territory of Chandigarh in 2001. This implies that several socio, cultural and economic factors are constantly at work in India to produce lower FMR.

 Strong male preference to carry out certain rituals in Hindu families, the concept of heir to a generation, low social status for women, additional social and economic burden to bring